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In addition to 1,129 state legislative sponsors (shown above), 981 other legislators have cast recorded votes in favor of the National Popular Vote bill.
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Short Explanation
The National Popular Vote bill would guarantee a majority of the Electoral College to the presidential candidate who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. The bill would reform the Electoral College so that the electoral vote in the Electoral College reflects the choice of the nation's voters for President of the United States.   more
11 Enactments
The National Popular Vote bill has been enacted into law in states possessing 165 electoral votes — 61% of the 270 electoral votes needed to activate the legislation.

  • Maryland - 10 votes
  • Massachusetts - 11
  • Washington - 12 votes
  • Vermont - 3 votes
  • Rhode Island - 4 votes
  • DC - 3 votes
  • Hawaii - 4 votes
  • New Jersey - 14 votes
  • Illinois - 20 votes
  • New York - 29 votes
  • California - 55 votes

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    Los Angeles Times
    California may have had its day in the sun
    By Cathleen Deker
    February 7, 2008

    Hope you enjoyed the party because you may not be invited back in November.

    The upshot of the hotly contested California primary was a hardening of the state's Democratic tilt and a proportionate drop in Republican support here.

    Add in the ability of independent voters to participate in the Democratic primary on Tuesday -- a move party leaders endorsed in the belief that those voters would stay in the fold in November --it is questionable whether California will be a contested state in the general election.

    Democrats, easy winners of the past four presidential elections here, laugh off the suggestion.

    "If the Democratic nominee has to spend a dime in California, we're going to lose the election," said Ben Austin, a Democratic strategist backing Sen. Barack Obama.

    Even Republicans say that for California to be, in November, the focus it has been in February would require a confluence of events: Sen. John McCain as the nominee, character as the defining issue and a decision that the cost of running a campaign here is worth the exceptional expense it would take.

    "To an objective observer, the trend is not the GOP's friend in California," said Don Sipple, a Republican veteran of national and statewide campaigns.

    A look at registration figures bears him out. Democrats gained four voters in the past two months to every one gained by Republicans. That left Democrats at just under 43 percent of the registered voters, which Republicans note is a historic low.

    The trouble is that Republicans are lower -- slightly more than 33 percent of registered voters.

    A survey of 12 key counties, moreover, showed the difficulties facing Republicans. In all but one, Democratic registration inched up from September and the close of registration on Jan. 22. The exception was San Benito County, where Democratic registration fell by one-tenth of a percent.

    In all of the counties, the percentage of voters who are registered Republicans dropped. That included counties such as Riverside, where the GOP has hoped that population growth in the spreading subdivisions would be their bullwark against the preponderance of Democrats in the cities. There, Republican registration dropped by almost a point. Other GOP declines came in Kern, Fresno, Orange, San Bernardino, Sacramento, San Diego and San Benito counties.

    Overall, as the presidential campaign heated up through the fall and winter, Democrats gained almost 150,000 voters statewide and Republicans lost a little more than 25,000.

    State Republican Party Chairman Ron Nehring said that while the registration numbers have gone Democratic, that is only one factor in determining the future.

    "The world is not run by those who are registered, but by those who show up," Nehring said. "When you dig down, where Democrats have a registration advantage, Republicans have a turnout advantage."

    Presidential elections always begin with campaigns pledging to run hard in every state. However, money being what it is, the targets of opportunity gradually narrow under a formula that weighs the electoral votes that are in play against how much it would cost to win them.

    In recent years, California has lost out either on the first question or the second. Can the Republican nominee win here? Isn't it cheaper to get those electoral votes somewhere else?

    The result is that in each of the past four presidential campaigns, Democrats won by double-digit margins.

    Central to the question of whether they can do it again will be independent voters, the growing segment of California that has no alliance with any particular party. Since September, independents have added almost 63,000 voters to their ranks, and they now constitute 19.4 percent of all voters.

    They are not averse to Republican candidates, having supported Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger in his two elections. Those voters are seen as more entranced with hard-to-measure attributes, such as character and leadership, than are party regulars who tend to put weight in obedience to orthodoxy.

    Independents' presence gives Republicans hope, but there is a consensus that they will vote Republican only if McCain is the nominee. McCain, the former prisoner of war in Vietnam who has a reputation as a burr under the saddle of official Washington, is far more in their mold than other recent candidates.

    "He does not carry the baggage that Republican candidates carried before," said Tony Quinn, a GOP demographer. "He's an environmentalist; he's not dripping with Southern morality like George Bush was."

    McCain spent time last week campaigning at a solar energy company with Schwarzenegger; he alone of the Republican candidates has talked at length about global warming. His residence in next-door Arizona gives McCain an ease with Western issues, Republicans believe.

    As for Mitt Romney, he ran as a moderate Republican when seeking the governorship of Massachusetts, but in this campaign, he has hewn to strict conservative positions. He has hammered McCain's more moderate position on immigration, which has helped him among Republicans in the primary but would hurt him as a general election nominee.

    "Romney fits in with only the very conservative Republicans here," Quinn said. "That's his base, and he's finally coalesced them. But he has absolutely no chance of expanding beyond that. The demographics of California don't agree with Romney."

    More than anything, GOP hopes of having a competitive race here in the fall rest with the Democratic choice. Most see Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton as the Republicans' favorite Democrat for the unity she would impose among discontented Republicans.

    Unity, GOP state Chairman Nehring said, "is defined as Nancy Pelosi, Harry Reid and Hillary Rodham Clinton running the federal government."

    Obama is feared more because of his appeal among the independent voters; he is seen as more likely than Clinton to deny independents to the Republican nominee, a move that would doom the GOP.

    Democrats, however, look to begin the general election more thrilled with their nominee -- whoever it is -- than Republicans. McCain was running radio ads in California on the primary voting day apologizing to Republicans for pushing immigration reform, a sign of the patching up that he needs to do within the party.

    Reform the Electoral College so that the electoral vote reflects the nationwide popular vote for President