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In addition to 1,129 state legislative sponsors (shown above), 981 other legislators have cast recorded votes in favor of the National Popular Vote bill.
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Short Explanation
The National Popular Vote bill would guarantee a majority of the Electoral College to the presidential candidate who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. The bill would reform the Electoral College so that the electoral vote in the Electoral College reflects the choice of the nation's voters for President of the United States.   more
11 Enactments
The National Popular Vote bill has been enacted into law in states possessing 165 electoral votes — 61% of the 270 electoral votes needed to activate the legislation.

  • Maryland - 10 votes
  • Massachusetts - 11
  • Washington - 12 votes
  • Vermont - 3 votes
  • Rhode Island - 4 votes
  • DC - 3 votes
  • Hawaii - 4 votes
  • New Jersey - 14 votes
  • Illinois - 20 votes
  • New York - 29 votes
  • California - 55 votes

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    The Cook Political Report
    Where's the Real Electoral College Battleground for 2016?
    By Amy Walter
    April 8, 2015

    Since Barack Obama's win in 2008, phrases like "Demographic Destiny" and "blue wall" have become part of the justification for Democrats slight edge in winning the White House in 2016. Demographic destiny, of course, refers to Democrats' success in winning over the fast-growing minority population, as well as women and the millennial generation, while the "blue wall" refers to the 242 electoral votes every Democratic nominee has won since 1992. Obama's win in states like Virginia, Colorado and North Carolina in 2008 upended the conventional wisdom about the path to 270 for the Democratic nominee. Can the GOP forge its own new path to success in 2016, specifically by winning in the Midwest?

    Over the last 40 years the Electoral College map has undergone a remarkable amount of change, yet today it looks pretty stable. Since 1992, every Democrat running for President has carried the same 19 states: California, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, DC, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, Michigan, Minnesota, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. New Mexico has gone to Democrats in every election but one (2004). Add those states together and you get 247 electoral votes. Of those 20 states, Obama carried 16 of them — for a total of 191 Electoral Votes — by 10 points or more. The only states in this "blue wall" that Obama carried by less than 10 points were Michigan (O+9), Minnesota (O+8) Pennsylvania (O+5), and Wisconsin (O+7).

    Republicans, meanwhile, have won the same 13 states since 1992: Alaska, Idaho, Wyoming, Utah, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma, Texas, Mississippi, Alabama, and South Carolina. Another 10 have also been pretty firmly planted in the GOP column since 2000: Arkansas, Indiana, Louisiana, Montana, Missouri, Tennessee, West Virginia, Georgia, Arizona and Kentucky. Add those together and you get 191 Electoral Votes. Romney carried all but 2 of these 23 states by 10 points or more in 2012. He won Arizona by 9 points and Georgia by 8 points.

    So, if you add the states that Obama carried by less than 10 to the states carried by Romney by less than ten, you end up with 83 electoral votes. Add that to the eight true toss-up states — Nevada, Colorado, Iowa, Ohio, Virginia, North Carolina, New Hampshire and Florida (which equal another 100 Electoral Votes) — and your map looks like this:

    Under this scenario, Democrats still start with an Electoral College lead of 191 to 164 for Republicans, but it's not nearly as large as the traditional "blue wall" framework of 247-191. So, can a Republican candidate make progress in the aging Rust Belt states that make up the weakest bricks in the Democrats "blue wall"? And/or can a Democrat pick off the fast-growing Southern and Southwestern states of Georgia and Arizona? A Republican arguing that they'll win in Michigan, Minnesota, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin by simply running up the score among white voters is just as fruitless as a Democrat arguing that they'll win Arizona and Georgia by over-performing with minority voters. Just as all "Hispanic" voters are not the same it's naive to lump "white voters" into one category. Quite simply, whites in the Midwest and the south and west vote very differently.

    As Ron Brownstein writes in his excellent analysis of Midwestern voting patterns, "Working-class and older whites have proven more willing here than almost anywhere else to continue voting for Democratic presidential nominees."

    For example, white voters make up a bigger share of the electorate in Wisconsin than Arizona, but Obama almost split the white vote with Romney in Wisconsin (taking 48 percent to Romney's 51 percent), while losing the white vote badly in Arizona 32–66 percent.

    But, as Brownstein also laid out, it's more than just race — things like education and marriage also influence voter behavior. It's not enough to simply win over "working-class whites" for example, when the percentage of college educated whites continues to increase.

    In Pennsylvania, for example, Democrats carried college-educated white women in 2000, 2004 and 2008. And, according to Brownstein, this group of voters has double since 1980 from 7 percent of voters to 16 percent of voters. In Ohio, on the other hand, Democrats have "run slightly better here than in most other places among white women without a college education." At this point, Hillary Clinton looks to be continuing these trends in both states.

    According to the latest data from Quinnipiac, Hillary Clinton's favorable/unfavorable ratings among white women in Ohio with a college degree are 49 to 44 percent. Among those Ohio women without a degree, she's got a stronger rating of 56 percent to 39 percent. In Pennsylvania, where Democrats have traditionally run stronger with college-educated women, Hillary has a 55 percent/41 percent favorable/unfavorable rating compared with just 49/46 percent among non-college women.

    At the end of the day, there's no such thing as a permanent Electoral College coalition. From 1968-1992, Republicans had a pretty solid hold on the Electoral College, regularly racking up wins in what are now the dark-blue states of California, Illinois and New Jersey. Back in 1992, no one would have predicted that West Virginia would be a pillar of the GOP Electoral College strategy. That said, finding a path to victory requires more than just swapping one part of the country for another. Where Democrats have been successful in presidential contests is in their ability to not simply run up the score among minority voters, but in holding onto white voters in the Midwest and west. White working-class voters and older white voters have shifted their allegiance to Republicans over the last few years, but to win in places like Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, the GOP nominee will have to do well among younger, single and college-educated women. Moreover, we sometimes get a bit too attached to data points and cross-tabs. At the end of the day, a successful candidate is the one who has a message that appeals to the most people possible. Without the message, the meta-data and statistical benchmarks are meaningless.

    Reform the Electoral College so that the electoral vote reflects the nationwide popular vote for President